This edited volume is the product of the Young Scholars
on Turkey (YSOT) Conference held in Washington D.C. on February 12 2014. We have worked with the presenters of the conference to transform their paper presentations into chapter-long analyses of various domestic and foreign policy issues in Turkey. The diversity of papers in terms of content and approach combining historical analyses theoretical exercises and case studies makes this compilation an interesting read for both academic and policy audiences. Chapters provide us with fresh research findings from early career academics on domestic and foreign policy issues. We hope that they contribute to a growing number of nuanced and careful analyses on Turkey.
Huseyin Alptekin's chapter Kurdish Question and State Policies in Turkey focuses on what he terms as "state incorporation policies" toward the Kurdish population under the AK Party since 2002 and the local perception of such policies. The study provides a theoretically informed and thorough examination of the trajectory of the government policies on the Kurdish issue. Alptekin examines ethnic incorporation in four main areas security socio-cultural economic and political and scrutinizes the local reception of government policies. In all these areas there have been significant changes with varying degrees of success some of which remained limited while others came close to a paradigm shift. Alptekin's chapter presents a carefully analyzed summation of a set of inclusive and exclusionary policies that often compete with and sometimes overcome one another.
Dilek Yankaya's chapter The Consolidation of the New Islamic Bourgeoisie in Turkey analyzes what she terms as the consolidation of a "new Islamic bourgeoisie" under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) or AK Party. Through an examination of the recruitment and membership practices of the Association of Independent Industrialists and Businessmen (MÜSİAD) Yankaya presents us with an account of the relationship between these economic actors and political actors such as the members of the ruling JDP. This chapter helps us understand issues and mechanisms related to elite formation social mobility civic engagement and interactions between politics and economic power. It also contributes to our understanding of local small and medium-sized business owners' relationship with local and national politics. The chapter depicts the symbiotic relationship between this new economic elite and political elites as the source of the new Islamic bourgeoisie's consolidation.
Begum Adalet's chapter The Road to Modernization: Technical Aid and Expertise in Turkish-American Interactions offers an interesting historical perspective on Turkish-U.S. relations through the analysis of U.S. aid given to build an extensive highway network in Turkey following World War II. The chapter helps enrich our understanding of the workings of U.S. aid and the U.S. and Turkish experts' conception of highways as part of the modernization process in the context of the Truman Doctrine and Turkey's inclusion in the Marshall Plan. This discussion goes beyond a simple description of how U.S. aid to Turkey worked in this historic juncture by analyzing the highway initiative as a site of "contestation over the meanings of modernization expertise and diplomacy." Adalet's analysis makes an important contribution to our comprehension of the development of Turkish-U.S. relations as well as the trajectory of foreign aid in Turkey especially as the country has emerged as a top international donor in recent years.
Moritz Pieper's chapter Turkey's Iran Policy: A Case of Dual Strategic Hedging explores Turkish foreign policy toward the Iranian nuclear program focusing on the nuclear negotiations in 2009-2010. Pieper treats Turkish involvement in the negotiations as a case of "dual strategic hedging" that allowed Turkey to manage its alliance with the West over non-proliferation concerns while respecting Iranian interests by opposing sanctions. Pieper takes issue with the idea that the Turkish approach was stuck between its Islamist foreign policy orientation and its position in the Western alliance. This chapter is an attempt to provide a nuanced understanding of Turkish involvement in the nuclear dossier which was a requirement of both "geostrategic pragmatism" and "alliance management." This analysis imparts us with a sort of template in which Turkey has to maintain and strengthen its alliances in the Western camp while addressing the challenges posed by an increasingly unstable neighborhood.
Olgu Okumus' chapter Turkey's Objective of Being an Energy Center scrutinizes Turkey's efforts to become an energy center by shedding light on the Turkish approach to various pipeline projects such as Nabucco and TANAP within the framework of the South Energy Corridor Project. Turkey's aspiration to become an energy center seems to be propelled by energy security concerns on the part of Europe as well as Turkey. In trying to achieve this goal Turkey has had to deal with regional political realities that have been anything but stable in recent years as is made clear by the regional reverberations of the Arab Spring and the more recent instability in Ukraine. Through an evaluation of Turkey's position in various oil and gas pipeline projects Okumus demonstrates that Turkey is well on its way to become an energy center (not simply a corridor or a hub) with its most concrete step being the TANAP project.
Kilic Kanat's chapter Turkish Foreign Policy in the Age of the Arab Spring is an examination of the evolution of Turkish foreign policy in the age of the Arab Spring the timing of which coincided with Turkey's increasing profile in Middle East affairs after "decades of a non-intervention and non-interference" policy. Kanat provides us with a historical perspective on the rise of Turkish soft power tracing its beginnings to the late 1990s when Turkey's adversarial relations with Syria started to thaw. Turkey's foreign policy posture remained isolationist overall despite this new opening but with the rise of the AK Party starting in 2002 a two-fold foreign policy change took place as Turkey wanted to end its isolation and contribute to regional peace and stability. After the outbreak of the Arab Spring endorsing democratic transitions became another dimension of Turkish foreign policy that earned Turkey its "model country" status. However the Syrian conflict resulted in civil war and failed states in Turkey's neighborhood. As a country that sees stability and repressive regimes as mutually exclusive and perceives stability to be in its national interest Kanat's prediction is that Turkey is poised to push back against repressive and autocratic regimes.
In the last chapter Obama's Middle East Policy and U.S.-Turkey Relations I analyze the convergences and divergences between the U.S. and Turkey over their policies toward the Middle East in the wake of the Arab Spring. As a historic regional wave of revolutions posed great challenges both countries have had to revise and adjust their rhetoric and actual policies through a tumultuous period. While they seemed to agree on democratic transitions especially at the beginning the U.S. was less forceful in pushing to realize those ambitions and settled for the protection of its security interests particularly in the case of Egypt. Aligning interests in Syria proved difficult and dealing with the hazards of the conflict was damaging for bilateral relations at times. More common ground could be found over Iraq especially after the U.S. policy to support Maliki failed and Turkey's warnings about Baghdad's sectarian policies turned out to be true. On Iran there is more common ground than disagreement but the Obama administration's desire to get a deal with Tehran has prevented the U.S. from taking a strong position on Syria. While many differences old and new will continue to define the relationship between the two NATO allies a comprehensive regional strategic dialogue at an institutional level remains a necessity.